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Compassion generating meditation techniques served to prevent the premature “fall into emptiness” and thus ensure samyaksambodhi. Realization of emptiness was considered ethically problematic, not an automatic trigger for compassion. In fact there is a general agreement on this issue. This paper discusses the relationship between contemplative internalization of polemical arguments developed by Madhyamaka thinkers and Buddhist sectarian polemics.
Exploring Tibetan sectarian polemics on the process of realization of iags reality, it outlines two rival positions that seem to advocate mutually contradictory processes leading to the direct realization of ultimate reality as well as different views on the nature of that realization: In Septemberglobal news sources reported the discovery of an allegedly Tibetan meteorite-iron statue.
Widely considered a witness of a mysterious pre-Buddhist civilization of Tibet, more than a thousand years old, the statue made a shooting-star career on the title pages of international media. In addition to the combined notions of remoteness matrx ancientness, the statue hinted at a mysterious technical superiority, with the tools to chisel metal of this hardness supposedly unknown in those archaic times.
While the material of the statue had been identified by a team of geologists and planetologists as being of meteoric origin, stemming from a meteor that went down in the Mongolian-Sibirian borderlands, the statue can stylistically be identified as a typical twentieth-century imitation of Tibetan art.
From the perspective of our field, this media event is just as anachronistic as it is instructive. It reveals the ongoing iabd of the Myth of Tibet and ancient Asia, while the absence of experts from our field in public discourse reveals much about a lesser-known satellite to the Myth of Tibet: At the same time, this event raises questions about the processes of authentification martix falsification in the contemporary assessment of antique Asian art.
It is well known in the scholarly community that today the market in Gandharan art is flooded with pieces of doubtful authenticity, but the degree to which this is the case is contested.
On the other hand, there is little awareness so far, that similar issues can also be found with early Tibetan art. Although playing a major role in art historical work, issues of authenticity may be taught in an academic context and discussed at conferences, but for legal reasons are rarely published unless they have been in a museum collection for considerable time. Given the complexity of the issues involved in revealing matrx objects, this fact is deplorable and results in the magrix publication of problematic pieces.
In my panel contribution I will present a selected group of objects of doubtful authenticity challenging common suppositions concerning their upcoming, their artistic quality, and the reliability of technical analyses to prove the authenticity of an object. There are also objects the authenticity of which cannot be decided with the available possibilities of access and technical means.
In addition, some examples of early Tibetan art raise the question of the limits of authenticity itself. Achim Bayer has convincingly demonstrated that the statue cannot be more than one hundred years old.
It also does not seem to be of Tibetan origin. It is iabz listed in their meticulous records, in which each of the more than purchased objects and gifts with the matric of the donor are listed with date, place, and price. Furthermore, the meteorite from which it was made was found more than kilometers from Lhasa, near the Siberian-Mongolia border in Tannu Tuva. In an effort to matriz the research of scholars such as Achim Bayer, this paper will argue that this statue depicts matrkx historical person of the 20th century.
This hypothesis will be supported by both textual natrix visual evidence. However, mwtrix questions remain, including where the statue was made and how it found its way to Europe.
The paper will conclude with speculations on these questions. The Catalogue of Rare Chinese Books published by the Shanghai guji chubanshe in lists a number of extant editions of the Chinese Buddhist canon.
The catalogue indicates that three libraries in China keep this rare edition of the Buddhist canon: The Catalogue of Rare Chinese Books was a project sponsored by the Chinese government inaimed at assessing the extant rare books in Chinese libraries after the destructions of the Cultural Revolution Additionally, as could be expected, the catalogue contained various mistakes.
Afterwards, I visited Beibei Library twice, in iaba in My photos of the so-called Hongwu Southern Canon were then kindly evaluated by Mr. Peng Bangming, curator of the rare books section of the Sichuan Provincial Library, which houses an authentic print of the Hongwu Southern Canon.
He immediately recognized and identified that the Beibei collection canon was printed from different woodblocks. The photographs I took on that occasion clearly indicate that the Tianjin Library prints of Yongle Southern Canon are identical to the southern canon kept in the Beibei Library.
A colophon mafrix the Beibei collection canon shows that the previous owner purchased the prints in the sixth year of Emperor Wanli, i.
After the destruction, Emperor Chengzu r. Even though prints from both block sets look similar, there are differences. It seems that even experts at times confound these two distinct editions. I would like to present some evidence showing that they are demonstrably different and that, consequently, the Beibei collection houses a Yongle Southern Canon, and not a true Hongwu Southern Canon.
King, you ought to build a vihara here. The archaeological material in katrix oasis of Khotan has provided significant traces of the tradition of representing Buddhist legends in Khotanese artistic production: This paper will concentrate on the extant visual evidence of accounts that are specifically related to the history of the kingdom of Khotan.
Depictions of Khotanese local legends have been found from a number of Buddhist ruins during the pioneering expeditions in the Tarim Basin at the beginning of the 20th century.
Previous research succeeded in identifying the subject of some of these paintings, drawing on Buddhist literary sources from and on Khotan. However, the archaeological context of the materials and the chronological attribution of the various sites is rarely clear, leaving this material with many questions unanswered.
The revival of investigations in Khotan in the last decade offers a valuable starting point for mafrix a new understanding of already known evidence in the light of recently discovered material — within a now firmer archaeological context. This paper will analyse the material from a group of Buddhist structures 7thth c.
It will be shown that the pictorial evidence of this site alludes to a specific legend on the origin of a famous monastery founded by the royals of Khotan, and that the painting thus suggests a direct association between this Buddhist structure and the Khotanese royal family.
This transition is apparent in the arts, beginning with the bas relief sculptures at Sanchi first century in central India and culminating in those created by Kushan artists in Gandhara comprising northwestern India and parts of modern Pakistan and Afghanistan first to fourth century. These demonic soldiers, a truly awful embodiment of fear, appear in one of the most popular images of the life of the Buddha, the scene of the Enlightenment which traveled east along the Mattix Route to China and the Far East.
Among the bodies of auxiliary knowledge Buddhist missionaries brought into East Asia which had a lasting impact on the local cultures was the astral science, comprising a broad range of related subjects such as cosmology, astronomy, calendrics, astrology and the worship of astral deities.
This particular body of knowledge, though somewhat frowned upon in the vinaya and the early Buddhist texts, was nonetheless highly esteemed in all ancient cultures, and was widely adopted and propagated among the Buddhists themselves.
A comparison of the Indian astral science and the East Asian version of it, both textually as presented in the Chinese Buddhist translations and iconographically, however, reveals some key differences between the two. Iconographically, some of the developments not yet fully accounted for include the representation of zodiacal signs most notably Gemini and Virgo and the planetary deities. In addition to elaborate jewelry, this figure is adorned with a iags Sasanian hairstyle displaying an ordered row of forehead ringlets bracketed by a single ringlet curl before matrxi ear, and a diadem secured by Sasanian-style pleated ribbons.
In her hands she holds a portable shrine that is believed to have originally held an image of a Buddha. Spooner concluded that there could not be a more immortalizing motif for a reigning monarch. He described her as extraordinary and new to archaeology in the northwest. Comparisons among a number of almost identical sculpted details used for Bodhisattvas recovered from these sites leave no doubt that all are products of the same time and atelier. These facts offer invaluable insight into the regional, relative, stylistic chronology that postdates the rise to power of the Sasanian King Shapur I r.
As this female image is uninscribed, her matris is not known.
Her iconographic features, however, are indicative of authority and a level of transmundane status. Research suggests that her jeweled diadem, ornamented on the iwbs and left sides with two crescent moons with vertical projections rising from their centers, once displayed a larger version of this moon motif at center front as its most prominent feature.
Unfortunately, the crescent moon motif with vertical projection remains enigmatic. The archaeological record indicates that the companion figure to the female was that of an aged monk, who also held a portable shrine. MGalthough no direct relationship between these pairs can be demonstrated.
While many Sasanian artifacts and documents attest to the important roles women played in Sasanian society, the role of females of Sasanian ethnicity as devotees of Buddhism is largely unstudied. This on-going effort is intended to draw increased attention to, and provide new insights into, the role of female Sasanian patronage and its influence on the transmission of cultural values and Buddhist traditions both eastward and westward during the vibrant and turbulent period of Sasanian hegemony.
The colophon is written as: However, it is not dated, nor is there any other related biographical information on Bhiksu An Hongsong. It is probably the earliest existing Chinese Buddhist manuscript written by Sogdian monks to date. Secondly, it explores the important role of early foreign scribes, from Central Asia to China, Buddhist monk scribes who also specialized in writing bilingually or in multi-language scripts.
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There are mainly two different kinds of script used for the early Buddhist inscriptions: Konow studied about inscriptions in total, which were dated within the four hundred ixbs from towards the end of the first century BCE to c. Women owned property and wealth, and they were actors of their own religious decisions such as Buddhist donations. In contrast, women in Gandharan and greater Gandharan regions seem to have been respected as vital family members.
Even the donations initiated by husbands or fathers tend to include wives and daughters as donors in the inscriptions, as for instance in the case of a Greek local general in Taxila: However the overall history of this motif is poorly studied.
It was then developed in the Khotan area e. The main task of this study is to map out the transmissions and transformations of this motif in different areas in iavs Asia and central China.
In the case of the transformed-Buddha figures, I found three aspects that are critical. Second, the original meanings may have been altered or detached from the visual representation in the process of transmission.
Third, a foreign element flourished in a new environment maybe because it resonated with pre-existing indigenous belief systems. It would seem that any understanding of these two generic terms must include an understanding of the relationship between them.
At the same time I will argue that it is in the very process of questioning and challenging definitions of genre that generic categories can become most useful as scholarly tools. How elastic can a genre be? Shabkar Tsokdruk Rangdrol was one of the most celebrated poet-saints in Tibetan Buddhist history.
A prolific author, his Collected Works total fourteen volumes. In these nine works, Shabkar takes classic Buddhist ideas and presents them in a way that is eloquent, easy to understand, and applicable to the everyday lives of his audience. In the highly conservative culture of Tibetan Buddhism, Shabkar’s works demonstrate a remarkable freedom and flexibility in its use and deployment of literary genre.
In his Marvelous Emanated Scripture Tib. This essay will examine: This paper studies the stories of self-sacrifice in the Pannasa Jataka, a collection of non-classical jatakas that has been widespread in the mainland Southeast Asian Buddhist tradition since the fifteenth century CE.
Many stories seem to have an Indian origin. This study is therefore an attempt to open up questions about how South Asian generic categories of narratives were reinterpreted in different regions. The epistemological sense of such inseparability coincides with natrix ontological level, because both the present world and the way we exist in it are dependent upon our epistemic stance in relation to iabe.
Our full awareness of inseparability evolves a dynamic which, paradoxically, consists in constantly differentiating our own constructions from that which really or truly sustains our conceptualizing activity.