Selten sind Francis Fukuyama und Slavoj Žižek, Stéphane Hessel und Amos Oz, Srećko Horvat: Nach dem Ende der Geschichte – Vom arabischen Frühling. Buy The End of History and the Last Man by Francis Fukuyama (ISBN: ) from Amazon’s Book Store. Everyday low prices and free delivery on. Ende der Geschichte. (englisch End of History) wurde vom. Politikwissenschaftler . Francis Fukuyama durch einen Artikel und ein Buch.
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I n the summer ofthe American magazine the National Interest published an essay with the strikingly bold title “The End of History? Its author, the political scientist Francis Fukuyama, announced that the great ideological battles between east and west were over, and that western liberal democracy had triumphed. Fukuyama became an unlikely star of political science, dubbed the geschichtte philosopher of global capitalism” by John Gray.
When his book The End of History and the Last Man appeared three years later, the qualifying question mark was gone. The “end of history” thesis has been repeated enough to acquire the ring of truth — though it has also, of course, been challenged.
Others have pointed to the rise of Islamic fundamentalism and the Arab spring as proof that ideological contests remain. Fukuyama was talking about ideas rather than events. He believed that western liberal democracy, with its elegant balance of liberty and equality, geschiichte not be bettered; that its attainment would lead to a general calming in world affairs; and that fukkyama the long run it would be the only credible fukkuyama in town.
Fukuyama drew on the philosophy of Hegel, who defined history as a linear procession of epochs.
The History at the End of History by Francis Fukuyama – Project Syndicate
Technological progress and the cumulative resolution of conflict allowed humans to advance from tribal to feudal to industrial society. For a long time his argument proved oddly resilient to challenges from the left.
Gescnichte has been pretty hegemonic.
Over the last three years, however, in a belated reaction to the bank bailouts, cracks have started to appear. Global Occupy protests and demonstrations against austerity have led many commentators on the left — including the French philosopher Alain Badiou in The Rebirth of History and Seumas Milne in his collection of essays The Revenge of History — to wonder whether history is on the march once again.
Nach dem Ende der Geschichte
The end of that world? For Milne, likewise, developments such as the failure of the US to “democratise” Iraq and Afghanistan, the financial crash and the flowering of socialism in Latin America demonstrate the “passing of the unipolar moment”. What remains an open question is whether these developments — dramatic as they are — will actually result in anything.
Leaderless and programme-light, dissent keeps failing to cohere, fragmenting into online petitions and single-issue campaigns. Is the left going to mount a coherent ideological challenge to the right, or are these just border skirmishes? Has history ended, or not? As some on the left have long realised, Fukuyama was performing an ideological sleight of hand. Is “western liberal democracy”, as he argued, really an application of the principles of the French revolution?
Besides, even that is a fiction: When he wrote “The End of History? The “post-ideology” sleight of hand nevertheless continues. Fukuyama distinguished his own position from that of the sociologist Daniel Bellwho published a collection of essays in titled The End of Ideology. Bell had found himself, at the end of the s, at a “disconcerting caesura”.
Political society had rejected “the old apocalyptic and chiliastic visions”, he wrote, and “in the west, among the intellectuals, the old passions are spent.
Fukuyama claimed not that ideology per se was finished, but that the best possible ideology had evolved. Yet the “end of history” and the “end of ideology” arguments have the same effect: It ends with a surprisingly poignant passage: I can feel in myself, and see in others around me, a powerful nostalgia for the time when history existed.
We appear to be losing a clear sense of both our history and our future, living in a perpetual present in which we have forgotten that things were different in the past and that there are, therefore, alternatives.
A parallel can perhaps be drawn with pop: Contemporary songs – by Adele, Lady Gaga, La Roux – are simulacra of those produced in the 60s, 70s and 80s. I grew up in the 80s, marching against Thatcher.
The left laid into the right. Inwhen I turned 16, John Major became prime minister and the ideological clashes of British politics faded out. Major’s “back to basics” campaign was against highfalutin ideology; a disavowal of politics. In recent advice to Conservative MPs, Major told them to focus less on “ideology” and more on “issues that actually worry people in their daily lives”.
Next came the triangulation of Tony Blair, his saintly transcendence of left and right; Barack Obama’s call for “a declaration of independence … from ideology”; and David Cameron saying he “doesn’t do isms”.
Politics is now a matter of technocratic optimisation, of doing “what works” and “getting the job done”. Ineven the veteran conviction politician Shirley Williams praised the coalition government for its pledge to “work together in the national interest”.
Bring back ideology: Fukuyama’s ‘end of history’ 25 years on
While declaring that the old polarities no longer pertain, all the main parties have shifted to the right. Meanwhile, the performance of confrontation continues.
Popular disaffection with mainstream politics manifests as a rejection of its tribal, shouty style. PMQs is criticised for being too raucous, but that is a distracting irrelevance now that policy differences seem imperceptible.
The problem is not “divisiveness” but its opposite: In the recent commentary on the death of Tony Bennhe has been repeatedly described as one of the final representatives of a sharply delineated political culture. In The End of History and the Last ManFukuyama writes that the “enormously productive and dynamic economic world created by advancing technology” has a “tremendous homogenising power”: But are consumerism and technology, as he suggests, really progressive?
The internet came of age at the same time as I did. My childhood correspondence fills several cardboard boxes, but during the s the paper trail peters out. I miss history, just as I miss my own history, and my childhood visions of the future.
Today, this has “vanished from sight.
It is barely possible to articulate a utopia, even or especially if you are on the left. If we accept it as inevitable it will indeed lead to the end of history, in more ways than one.
Is the recent challenging of Fukuyama’s thesis grounds for new optimism? It is still too early to tell. Topics Francis Fukuyama Rereading. Philosophy books Politics books features.
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