INTRODUCTION:This work deals with issues related to the partnership between the public sector, SUS and SUAS, making a theoretical and empirical work on. 13; student movements, 26, 31, 37, 45, 69, 79, 97, solidarity, popular, Sposati, Aldaiza, , State Public Housing Commission (CDHU),i04 UNE. São Paulo SP Brasil. [email protected] Abstract. After 30 years in force, CF must be salvaged and commemorated but also evaluated in .

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Monte AlegrePerdizes. After 30 years in force, CF must be salvaged and commemorated but also evaluated in relation to how much social and political resistance it acquired in the execution of its determinations.

These determinations not only conflict with those of the dictatorial period preceding it but were also shown to be minimally attractive to neoliberal forces in Brazil in the late s and early s and are now widely recognized as conservative. Over the last 30 years, this idea has shifted from this founding spoasti due to forces of conservatism, individualism, and privatization.

Social security; Social protection; Isonomy of benefits; Tax exemption; Human rights. The 1 seminal analysis of Esping-Andersen on aaldaiza welfare regimes considers decommodification to form a part of the nature of State public social policy. Through aldakza, social necessity is supplied outside of the buying and selling relationship in the market and enters the realm of the solidarity of a society that shares the public budget with its members.

This Scandinavian reality does not seem to be easily demonstrated in the Latin American system and especially in the Brazilian sposatl. In it, the dynamics of social policies do not retain much familiarity with the principle of decommodification, as mercantile operations surround them in good or bad faith and in various forms.

It is understood that social security established in Brazil by the Federal Constitution of CF expresses commodification methods through the three policies that compose it: Based on this understanding, herein it is considered that social protection has spurred displacement from the state and public decommodified realms and has paradoxically exhibited its function as a commodity. In this article, we adopt the English expression of commodity in clarifying that although it applies to in natura goods with low added value and high commercial and strategic value, here it is analogically and symbolically applied to social protection.

Social protection that is naturalized and removed of its civilizatory, and human right value is transformed into a commodity whose aggregate and strategic value is directed towards interests that compromise its protective purpose and that broaden social inequalities. Through this decomposition, social protection moves away from its link to the International Declaration of Human Rights of towards conditions of goods for individual consumption.

In the provision of the State, it is generated as strata ranked by the quality of social protection, distributed by the social positioning and earnings of the claimant. This negotiating relationship abandons the egalitarian status ssposati citizenship. The change in direction of Brazilian social security after the s aposati discussed here — this change shifted its real expression away from the civilizatory and democratic realm established by CF This process has stemmed from direct and indirect actions of the conservative power of Brazilian sposatti society guided by a neoliberal direction that opposes the constitutional notion of guaranteeing social protection coverage for all Aldsiza.

By contrast, understanding of the relationship between social disprotection and social security for the provision of social certainty with a humanist foundation for guaranteeing human and social rights has been endorsed. The fragmented management of the three social policies the so-called triumvirate of Brazilian social security has added to the absence of unitary design and to the articulated management of the triumvirate, distancing social protection from its meaning and universal destiny and failing to articulate unitary language on the manifestations of social disprotection and on ways of overcoming them.

With the support of conservative economic forces, over the last 30 years Brazilian social protection has been disconnected from a universalist and civilizatory direction and has been subjugated to the capitalist moral code, thus conditioning social protection access to the active actions of individuals who save to face their weaknesses. This reductionist treatment reiterates the fable of the cicada and the antaccording to which protection is the result of individual labour and excludes the collective process of preserving the human dignity of all citizens of a society.

Social protection has been reduced to individual savings activated by the Christian principle of earning your living from the sweat of your own brow. Guaranteeing this with the public budget would generate a budget deficit, which would create a populist, tutelary, and welfare pattern to be eliminated.

In the s, options for neoliberal guidance were initiated through the decisions and actions of the Brazilian State rather than through the distributive and redistributive guidelines of CF Segmented and partial readings of manifestations of social disprotection are detached from social and economic inequalities resulting from confrontation between social classes, between countries and cities, between ethnic groups, and between genders.


Paradoxically, public care provided through services or benefits tends to be viewed by conservatives as gifts of an alms-like nature.

Its insignificance in monetary value is directed towards those who have less. The conduct for those who have more — and that approach class identity in power — is diverse. For them, substantive benefits in monetary amounts exempt from income tax and with no conditionality or restriction are distributed to magistrates, legislators, and military and governing personnel. It is not uncommon for these to be extended to their children, whose age of dependence spoasti 24 years, which stands in contrast with the poorest, aldaiz whom the age of dependence is 14 years.

The fragmented handling of Brazilian social protection jeopardizes its responsibility to ensure basic acquisitions for the dignity of the human being and the citizen. The ethics of human treatment are reduced for the benefit of private wealth.

Subduing the value of a minimum wage, the basic standard of dignity of the Brazilian citizen, and threats of reduction is the antithesis of human ethics whether a Brazilian who is working, retired, disabled, elderly, on medical leave, or a pensioner is concerned. Brazil guaranteeing protection for the elderly and to citizens with genetic or acquired deficiencies who are unable to survive independently by providing a monthly minimum wage is reflective of civilizatory administration.

Displacement of social security and social disprotection in Brazil

In these 30 years, Brazilian social protection has shifted from its civilizatory outlook, as it has been acting as a mechanism that accentuates inequality at the extremes of the life cycle. Today, it is clear that this was an improbable cycle, almost a daydream, because it was heading in the opposite direction to the capitalist competition under the dominance of finance, belittling the obstacles of the past and daring to scratch the social status quo secularly dominated by the owners of Brazil 2.

According to this understanding, concern for the good of others is justified by the practice of a religion and not by the exercise of secular civility. This overlap has led to a tacit protocol through which the State has been financing and, since, the Brazilian colony missions of religious works have been dressing up such sacralized responses as republican recommendations.

The right to social protection transmuted into charity funded by public money excludes — through its management process — democratic principles of transparency, planning, evaluation, and social control.

Social security is diluted and moves towards the private philanthropic field, drowning its democratic and republican components in this liquid. These general traits allow us to propose three main analytical hypotheses that guide this essay.

The first concerns the fact that social security in Brazil did not emerge from demand from society, which rendered it socially devoid of its value as a civilizatory human right and which through conservative forces transformed it into a good for individual consumption marked by the reproduction of socio-economic inequalities.

As a good for consumption, it is a negotiable commodity and not a right. The second hypothesis refers to the interests of financial capital, which have begun using social protection as an indirect form of private financing. Social security funds are presented and move like investment capital and private economic interests e.

Mechanisms for accessing these advantages are commodities that are often tradable through political exchanges and favours. Finally, the third hypothesis suggests that the intensity of conservative forces based on individualism in its minimal state has disqualified social protection as a universal right. There is a considerable difference between coverage standards for disprotection prevailing between those who earn less, who are subjected to the selection of environments and who have reduced their attention to emergency standards and those who occupy prominent public positions in the legislature and judiciary and in the military forces.

The aim is to indicate throughout this text the arguments that stimulate debate surrounding these hypotheses. References to social security in CF represented a great innovation that presented themselves as a secular promise that detached from divine promise overcame the individual responsibility for social protection.

Described as a triumvirate, it assumed its coverage via three social policies. The triumvirate only remains erect from an equilibrium axis that functions as a guiding head.

It is no use to rely on three feet without an axis to provide articulation and functionality. Here lies the focal point of this analysis, which is projected as a barefoot and headless triumvirate. The first retreating blow occurring with the design of social security established by CF was rooted the imperative cry to cut off its headand in turn it was severed and the National Social Security Council Conselho Nacional de Seguridade Social — CNSS was extinguished.

With feet but headless and with an undermined budget, t social security left after 30 years carried itself like a wanderer with tired legs. The outlook of the social security unit was rigged by the inactivity of an articulating mechanism: Its three feet, planted in three policies whose matrices of care were disarticulated from themselves as a result of operating from their own logic, did not construct a unitary articulation or design of social security.

This disconnection led to interrupted standards of care to ensure social certainties, ultimately encouraging an individual treatment of demands. No avenues of mutual accessibility were installed through the operation of the three policies and even for the most simplified, which could have allowed for integrated operation when applied to common areas of care.


Even after 30 years, interinstitutional dialogue that could have enabled an integrated characterization of the social disprotection of Brazilians as part of a common agenda with integrated and complementary care was not facilitated. Apart from specific and local experiences, the convergence of efforts did not occur.

With isolated expressions marked by the slashing of budgetary resources, budgetary disputes confined to the prioritizing of compulsory spending and more recently to the reduction of the budget ceiling have resulted.

In Brazil, the concept of social security was adopted with the limited political and ideological maturation of society, of the public agents of services, of care involved in social policies, of economic policies, and of social movements.

A popular movement towards social security was not experienced. Its outlook as something desirable was not understood. Rather, its existence did not infiltrate society, which was unable to decode its meaning. The format of the three policies that composed it was distinct: The caption of Art. It was not explicit whether these would be profitable or not; however, the intended security of rights would indicate a non-market interpretation.

There was no mention of operational links in the management systems of these policies. This novelty elevated social welfare to the ministerial body associated with social assistance, which until then was given low to non-existent recognition as a public social policy. These foundations remained unchanged from to The FLBA supported its actions with resources derived from gambling activity, auctions of apprehended imported goods, the balance of social security resources, and legislative grants.

Its management remained devoid of the notion of State duty, republican secularism, and the realm of citizen rights.

The principle of subsidiarity was its driver. Inthe FLBA was replaced with the Solidary Community programme maintained by first lady Ruth Cardoso, thus weakening its constitutional status as a public policy of social assistance and causing it to reembark to the realm of charity from first-ladyism. The field of social assistance and its potential critical mass did not in exhibit a propositive maturation at a national level, as had already occurred in the realms of health and social security, which depended on the support of social movements.

In seeking to assert their autonomy and to obtain federal resources, municipalities organized the Municipal Front for the Regulation of Social Assistance under the terms of CF Municipalities became federative entities via CF and its initiatives; however, in the field of social assistance, they achieved no dialogue with the federal sphere.

The political-institutional movement of FLBA agencies fought for the implementation of the Ministry of Social Action for the acceptance of its positions and for sustaining employment. Walls of isolation, fragmented stories, and centralized and authoritarian apparatuses were maintained.

The limited accumulation of collective forces in the area of social assistance did not prove strong enough to change traditions. This synthetic salvaging spurred a brief rereading of what could be referred to as a troubled implementation of Brazilian social security with little agreement within the institutional cultures of public agents of each qldaiza policy. Movements for new democratic structures in the State apparatus of the three policies occurred through lateral processes.

No investments were made to strengthen the desired social security unit. Unitary and universal references to social protection for the citizen were not constructed.

Consequently, the decoding of the nature of social security was not laden with the same meaning across the three areas; rather, they a,daiza a unifying impact. The objectives Chart 1 of social security described in CF, sole paragraph of Art. According to CF, health unlike the other two policy areas is considered a right for all, while social welfare operates as a provider of financial means to the insured.

According to the constitutional text, social assistance was not expressly linked to the rights of the citizen.

Aldaiza Sposati

This condition was attributed to it due to it pertaining to social security. With unclear indications of what it was to ensure as a duty, it maintained a strong aldaizw with pragmatic activism of a specific and emergency nature expressed by relaxed practices for policies of service. Such ways of managing, at times, prevalent federal entities distanced it from the role of exercising responsibility for the social care of a given demand in the search for patterns of results based on ethics of human dignity and citizenship.

The apparent acidity of this annotation does not invalidate or fail to recognize efforts designed to pass aldsiza inherited limits to the field of social rights.

However, this federative and solidary relationship was not consolidated. Rather, besides being barefoot and headless, the triumvirate had frayed pockets. Its funds were diverted to other demands.